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In His Napoleonic Era
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In His Napoleonic Era

The impression that the president is megalomaniacally contemptuous of the law is not good for anybody.

President Donald Trump departs the White House on February 14, 2025, in Washington, D.C. (Photo by Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)

The president of the United States posted a possibly apocryphal quote often attributed to Napoleon Bonaparte on social media Saturday: “He who saves his Country does not violate any Law.”

This is an indefensibly stupid thing for a president to say—at least absent the sort of situation in which a lawyer has told him, “Mr. President, you can’t fire a nuke on that planet-destroying asteroid without first getting an environmental impact statement and allowing for the legally required 90-day public comment period.”

I don’t mean to be unduly glib. An American president implying he’s above the law because he’s “saving” his country is a serious thing. It’s even more serious when the notion that we face an existential crisis requiring a hero on a white horse to save us has been manufactured by the president and his allies. 

The best defense of President Trump’s cerebral flatulence is that he was the one being glib. Reince Priebus, who served as White House chief of staff during Trump’s first term, said as much on ABC News’ This Week: “It’s entertainment for Trump. It’s a distraction.”

“I’ve lived through this,” Priebus added. “In good times, in bad times, the president enjoys taking a grenade out on a Saturday afternoon, throwing it on the floor and watching everybody react. … There’s no downside.”

I said it was the best defense; I did not say it was a good defense.

I honestly don’t know what Priebus means in saying “there’s no downside” to Trump’s trolling. Giving millions of Americans—friends and foes alike—the impression that the president is megalomaniacally contemptuous of the law is not good for anybody.

Presidents—all presidents—rely on a certain amount of trust and goodwill, not just from their allies but from their opponents as well. In a real crisis, the public and the opposition party need to believe that presidential authority is being exercised for unselfish reasons. Insinuating that you crave crises to maximize your power makes people less likely to trust you with the power to deal with an actual crisis.

Still, because Priebus may be right that Trump was motivated chiefly by boredom, it’s impossible to be confident of the intent of his Napoleonic statement. But it coincided with a far more serious controversy: Trump’s decision to suspend a public corruption prosecution against the mayor of New York City, Eric Adams.

Danielle Sassoon, until recently Manhattan’s top federal prosecutor, alleged that Trump ordered the suspension of the case because Adams’ lawyers floated a political quid pro quo: If the Justice Department would drop the case, the Adams administration would vigorously support the White House’s mass deportation plans. Indeed, Trump’s political henchman at Justice, acting Deputy Attorney General Emil Bove, argued that continuing the prosecution “would interfere with the defendant’s ability to govern in New York City” and restrict Adams’ ability to deal with “illegal immigration and violent crime”—a top priority in the president’s efforts to, as he would put it, save America.   

Adams and Trump’s Justice Department deny the alleged quid pro quo. Bove has even purported that the Biden Justice Department had corrupt reasons for launching the federal investigation of Adams, who has pleaded not guilty to charges that he accepted bribes from Turkish nationals. The implication is that the Biden Justice Department was rankly political and Trump is correcting an illegitimate prosecution. 

If that were true, one wonders why Trump didn’t object to having such willing hacks continuing to work as federal prosecutors. The answer, of course, is that they aren’t hacks. 

Sassoon, whom Trump had promoted to interim U.S. attorney just weeks earlier, resigned rather than comply with the department’s orders, and she was joined by six other DOJ officials (the list keeps growing), all of whom were privy to the facts and relevant internal negotiations. As the rising conservative star laid out in her magisterial eight-page letter to Attorney General Pam Bondi, leveraging the threat of criminal prosecution to force cooperation with the president’s political agenda is an intolerable assault on the administration of justice. The Trump administration wants the case against Adams merely suspended so that it can still be dangled over the mayor as a Sword of Damocles to ensure his obedience, which is the very definition of weaponization of the criminal justice system. So is Bove’s threat to investigate the resigning prosecutors for their refusal to comply.

This is the crucial context of Trump’s claim that the president cannot break the law if he is “saving” the country. He may well have thought it was just an entertaining quote, as Priebus suggests. But given what we know, it looks less like trolling and more like a confession.

Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief and co-founder of The Dispatch, based in Washington, D.C. Prior to that, enormous lizards roamed the Earth. More immediately prior to that, Jonah spent two decades at National Review, where he was a senior editor, among other things. He is also a bestselling author, longtime columnist for the Los Angeles Times, commentator for CNN, and a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. When he is not writing the G-File or hosting The Remnant podcast, he finds real joy in family time, attending to his dogs and cat, and blaming Steve Hayes for various things.

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